Latest News - October 8, 2012

Wall Street Journal
by Gerald F. Seib

"One man who has set out to make sure that isn't the case is Ralph Reed, a veteran GOP leader in the evangelical movement and founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, an organization that mobilizes religious voters. In a recent conversation, Mr. Reed walked through the turnout math and how his organization is trying to affect it."
 


Political campaigns contain many sexy components: multimillion-dollar ad buys, national debates, convention speeches. But this year's election may well hinge on a decidedly unsexy factor: voter turnout machinery.

With exactly four weeks to go before Election Day, the presidential race is close and seems destined to remain so. Any thoughts that President Barack Obama would run away with it likely were put to rest by Republican Mitt Romney's strong performance in last week's debate.

And in a close race, what matters most in the end game isn't who airs a few more ads or gives a slightly better speech. What matters most is which side can get its supporters to actually show up at the polls.

For the Obama campaign that means, above all, young voters and Hispanics. In the latest Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll, Mr. Obama is preferred by a 57%-to-35% margin among voters aged 18 to 34, and an even more stunning 70%-to-20% margin among Hispanics. Those are big advantages—among two groups that don't always turn out in big numbers.

For the Romney campaign, the parallel force may well be evangelical voters. Three-quarters of them say they support Mr. Romney, but evangelicals didn't show great enthusiasm on Election Day four years ago for Republican nominee John McCain.

Consider those challenges in turn.

Young voters played a big role in driving Mr. Obama to victory in some key states in 2008, but they don't seem as fired up this year. Voters under the age of 30 made up 18% of the electorate four years ago, but a recent Pew Research Center study found that the share of them who say they are following campaign news very closely is roughly half of what it was at this point four years ago.

Similarly, Hispanics, who made up 9% of the 2008 electorate, traditionally turn out in smaller numbers than their potential power suggests, and recent data suggest that's still a likely outcome.

The Obama campaign knows full well, of course, that it needs to amp up these voting blocs, so it is trying to catch up with its 2008 standard. It will get some help from its labor allies, and on its own it set in place months ago a social-media strategy to reconnect with young voters, as well as a separate outreach operation for Hispanics.

Obama headquarters in Chicago is a sea of 20-something workers trying to reach such voters, but in recent weeks many of them have been dispatched to swing states to get supporters registered and engaged.

Now, state statistics show, registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans in five of the six battleground states that register voters by party. In most of those states, the Democratic registration margins still aren't as large as they were in 2008, but they are widening. Crucially, the Obama campaign says voters under 30 make up more than half of new registrants.

For Republicans, a similarly important turnout target is the evangelical vote.

Evangelicals have become a core element of the Republican base, but for months some Republicans have feared they would be underenthused by the candidacy of Mr. Romney because of suspicions about his Mormon religion.

One man who has set out to make sure that isn't the case is Ralph Reed, a veteran GOP leader in the evangelical movement and founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, an organization that mobilizes religious voters. In a recent conversation, Mr. Reed walked through the turnout math and how his organization is trying to affect it.

White evangelicals and born-again Christians made up roughly a quarter of all voters in 2008. Yet Mr. Reed estimates that perhaps 17 million evangelicals didn't vote or weren't registered, including roughly a million who voted for George W. Bush in 2004.

That big bloc includes heavy representation in such swing states as Virginia, Ohio, Iowa and Florida. So Mr. Reed's organization is setting out to get them to the polls; it will, he said, spend some $12 million to drive turnout.

Mr. Reed's group has files with cellphone, email or other contact information on 17.3 million potential voters in 15 key states. All those voters will be contacted, many of them multiple times. Two million will get personal visits from volunteers. The message: Mr. Romney shares evangelicals' values on matters such as gay marriage, abortion and religious freedom.

The choice of Rep. Paul Ryan as Mr. Romney's running mate has made the task of energizing evangelicals easier, Mr. Reed said. Though a Roman Catholic rather than a Protestant evangelical, Mr. Ryan is popular among evangelicals for his firm opposition to abortion rights.

It may seem odd that a ticket made up of a Mormon and a Catholic could generate a big evangelical turnout, but Mr. Reed insists that is exactly what will happen. "It will be ironic," he says, "if the first ticket in history without a Protestant got the biggest share of the evangelical vote in history."

Ultimately, though, the outcome likely hangs on precisely such ironies and imponderables of voter turnout.

Latest News - September 4, 2012

Latest News - August 20, 2012

We are pleased to announce that U.S. Senate candidate from Texas, Ted Cruz will be speaking at the Faith & Freedom Celebration in Tampa!


Click here
to register for this exciting event!

 

Latest News - August 16, 2012

Conservatives are looking to cash in on Paul Ryan.

Grass-roots organizers believe Mitt Romney’s decision to add the Wisconsin Republican to the ticket will translate to an influx of financial contributions.

Evangelical conservative leader Ralph Reed called Ryan a “great shot in the arm” for conservatives.

And while Reed, the founder and chairman of the Faith and Freedom Coalition, hasn’t used Ryan explicitly in trying to woo donors, he said he’s already seen a big spike. “We were already burying the needle,” Reed said. “We’ve been adding about 1,000 new donors a day for about two months.”

Reed said it’s the most fundraising enthusiasm he’s seen since the heyday of the Christian Coalition.

Ryan’s personal fundraising chops are beyond question. He has more than $5.4 million in his reelection fund and he has close ties to a number of major conservative donors.

Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of the Susan B. Anthony List, has noticed an uptick in the response to her own efforts.

“We’ve been speaking to our major donors,” Dannenfelser said while on the road fundraising. “[Ryan] is 100 percent added value … Our plans are to, with renewed optimism, to continue to fundraise with a product that is an even more attractive ticket.”

A poll released Wednesday from Purple Strategies showed that Ryan made the Republican ticket more attractive, pushing Romney ahead of President Barack Obama by a single percentage point.

Tea party leader Matt Kibbe expected that this improvement could spell success for his organization. The president and CEO of FreedomWorks sent an email to supporters in the wake of Romney’s announcement calling Ryan one of the “good guys.”

Kibbe, like Reed, said he has no plans to fundraise directly off of Ryan.

“Ultimately, this race is not about who raises the most money,” Kibbe said. “It will be about the energy and excitement in the field, and who has people knocking door-to-door.

“The Ryan factor has definitely increased the energy that I am sensing in the field.”

Click here to read the article online.

Latest News - August 12, 2012

Mitt Romney's selection of Rep. Paul Ryan as his running mate is a window into his governing philosophy and management style, one that should cheer conservatives and give his critics pause. Contrary to the caricature of Romney as a risk-averse Harvard MBA, a power-point wielding, paint-by-the-numbers leader, in choosing Ryan candidate Romney showed a capacity for bold and inspired decisions

Conservatives are fond of pointing out that personnel is policy. In the first and most important personnel decision of his future administration, Romney has chosen in Ryan one of the most respected, influential and substantive conservative leaders of his generation.

I first got to know Paul Ryan when he worked for Jack Kemp and Bill Bennett at Empower America, a conservative think tank, in the early 1990s. When he was elected to Congress in 1998, he quickly impressed his colleagues with his rare combination of a rapier intellect, wonkish public policy knowledge and moral courage.

Yet Ryan has never been enamored with either Washington or the national stage. A devoted husband and father, he chose to keep his family in his hometown of Janesville, Wis., living in a house within blocks of where he grew up and went home virtually every weekend.

A man of deep Christian faith, he remains rooted in the Roman Catholic tradition of his upbringing, even citing the social teaching of the church to defend his budget plan. "Our rights come from nature and God, not government," Ryan said in his announcement speech.

A true believer in supply side economics, he insists that lower tax rates lead to greater economic growth and therefore more revenue — an assertion backed by the historical record. But he has also demonstrated a remarkable capacity to blaze his own intellectual trail, even when it means standing alone. Ryan has made reining in big government and restraining entitlement spending the touchstone of his public service, shaping the contours of the public debate in a way few members of Congress ever do.

He has also compiled a 100% pro-life voting record in his 14 years in Congress and is a strong supporter of traditional marriage, thrilling social conservatives. It would be ironic if the first national ticket in U.S. history without a Protestant wins with the strong backing of evangelical Christians, who will play a critical role in the outcome of the election.

The choice of a running mate lays bare the character of future presidents. John F. Kennedy's selection of Lyndon Johnson in 1960 revealed a quiet confidence and steely pragmatism unusual for a man then only one year older than Paul Ryan is today. Bill Clinton's choice of Al Gore reflected the rising aspirations of the Baby Boom generation and a reach for the vital center, eschewing the Democratic Party's ossified liberal past. George W. Bush's choice of Dick Cheney reflected a preference for substance over style, a governing partner over a politically motivated pick.

Similarly, Romney's choice suggests that he will govern as a conservative reformer. Romney has laid down a marker, offering a stark choice between two competing visions for the country's future. So much for simply seeking to be viewed as an acceptable alternative to Obama.

The response of the Obama campaign to the Ryan announcement was predictable, and predictably arrogant. Obama's surrogates snickered that Romney had played right into their hands, choosing the author of a budget that would "end Medicare as we know it," take food from the mouths of children and wage war on women. Obama adviser David Axelrod vowed to hang the Ryan budget around Romney's neck.

But this could be a fight Obama will come to regret. At a time of economic anxiety, high unemployment and record deficits, Romney's pick of Paul Ryan guarantees a choice election. There is now no avoiding a vigorous debate over large issues such as the size and role of government, the future of the entitlement state and the moral imperative of democratic capitalism.

The choice of Ryan tells us a lot about Romney. The voters' choice in November will tell us even more about America.

Ralph Reed is the chairman if the Faith & Freedom Coalition

Click here to read the full article online. 

Latest News - July 2, 2012

 

Latest News - June 27, 2012

It’s a match made in political heaven - evangelical Christians and the Tea Party. Starting in 2010, the two huge conservative flanks started coming together, forming what Christian Broadcasting Network Chief Political correspondent David Brody calls the "Teavangelical" movement.

Sure, the Tea Party was supposed to be all about money matters, its name an acronym for "taxed enough already." The conventional wisdom was that the group didn’t care much about social issues like gay marriage and abortion – those were the province of evangelicals.

But it turns out that the two groups overlap – a lot. That was one of the takeways from a Wednesday National Press Club panel I sat on that was tied the release of Brody’s new book, “The Teavangelicals: The Inside Story of How the Evangelicals and the Tea Party are Taking Back America.”

Here are 5 reasons why should care about "Teavangelicals":

1. Remember 2010?

In the 2010 midterm elections, the Tea Party helped the Republicans take back control of the House of Representatives. And evangelicals made up a big part of that group. According to a September 2010 poll by the Public Religion Research Institute, nearly half of self-identified Tea Partiers in 2010 said they were part of the Religious Right or the conservative Christian movement.

2. They might swing the presidential election for Mitt Romney.

Ralph Reed's group, the Faith and Freedom Coalition, is the prototypical Teavangelical group, working to ensure that the Tea Party and evangelicals play nice together. Reed has long been an evangelical whisper for politicians and Brody writes that he has the cell phone numbers of 13 million evangelical voters. Sounds like a strong ground game.

3. Teavangelicals made the GOP primaries more interesting.

2012 was supposed to be Mitt Romney's year. He’d run once before and the GOP establishment liked him. But he was not an early favorite of the Teavangelicals, who variously rallied around Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry and Rick Santorum. When those politicians talked about the free market and opposing abortion with equal gusto it was music to Teavangelical ears. At the press club panel on Wednesday, National Review columnist Robert Costa said Santorum’s Iowa caucuses win testified to the Teavangelical power.

4. They're planning to stick around for a while.

The Tea Party may have disappeared from national headlines, but they’re active at the grassroots. Brody said that Teavangelicals are winning seats on school boards, city councils, and county commissions. "The Teavangelicals have realized it's nice to get on FOX News and hold up a sign and be on the Sean Hannity show, but that's not going to get it done,” he said. “Ultimately you have to start at the bottom up.” He says small-time local positions are proving grounds for the next generation of GOP leadership.

5. They’ll be a crossword puzzle clue soon.

Brody coined the term Teavangelical the day after the 2010 midterm elections, when we were both at a press conference organized by the Faith and Freedom coalition. Ralph Reed’s involvement means the Teavangelical concept has legs. It’s only a matter of time before it becomes a crossword puzzle clue.